They also said, in the sentence immediately preceding the one you cite that you mendaciously elided:Blind groper wrote:Further to the idea that Seth loves, that concealed carry reduces crime.
This came from work by a guy called John Lott. However, further work has been done since that casts grave doubt on his conclusions. In particular, work at Yale University.
http://islandia.law.yale.edu/ayers/Ayre ... rticle.pdf
I quote, in relation to the John Lott work that Seth relies upon :
"we find that the statistical evidence that these laws have reduced
crime is limited, sporadic, and extraordinarily fragile."
We conclude that Lott and Mustard have made an important
scholarly contribution in establishing that these laws have not led to the
massive bloodbath of death and injury that some of their opponents feared.
And here's the sort of irrelevant interjection that poisons this whole presentation:
That's not a statement of scientific fact or analysis, it's an editorial statement by the authors and has no place in a credible research paper.The first rejoinder to this view is that shall-issue laws allow anyone of a
certain age without an officially documented problem of mental health or
criminal record to secure a permit to carry a concealed weapon; this is not a
particularly exacting standard. A moments reflection on ones own
acquaintances would likely suggest the names of numerous angry or
intemperate individuals who could pass the shall-issue test even though the
prospect of their carrying a concealed weapon would not be likely to enhance
ones sense of personal security.
Here's another:
This is pure speculation that is not supported with any credible data.But even if no one securing a concealed-carry permit ever used it to
commit a crime, there are still a number of avenues by which the passage of a
concealed-carry law could stimulate crime. First, even if the adoption of a
shall-issue law increased the riskiness of criminal activity and thereby
dampened the number of criminals, it might also increase the number of
criminals who decided to carry weapons themselves (by hypothesis, illegally)
and also might increase the speed at which a criminal decides to shoot or
disable potential victims (as the presence of armed victims increases the cost of
hesitation once a criminal engagement has been launched). Therefore, the
number of murders and aggravated assaults can rise if criminals respond to
shall-issue laws by packing more heat and shooting quicker. Arming the
citizenry can encourage an arms race, leading more criminals to carry even
higher-powered weapons and to discharge them more quickly when
threatened.18
And then this:
Again, speculation without any supporting evidence that poisons the legitimacy of the article. Yes, the "injection" of a gun into a dispute in lawful self defense might indeed result in a homicide or wounding, but if it's lawful self-defense, then ipso facto the dispute was not "minor" but rather had been "escalated" by one of the participants to the level that authorized the other to use lawful lethal force. This is yet another deceptive and logically unsound assertion from these "researchers."Second, even when no criminal act is initially contemplated, the injection
of a gun into an angry dispute, perhaps in lawful defense, might escalate a
minor dispute into a criminal homicide or a serious wounding.19
And yet another idiotic statement from an idiot bureaucrat that's made without any supporting evidence. Besides, flashing your gun in a bar is a crime and therefore the possession of the firearm would not be lawful and would be in violation of the permit restrictions, which people who are licensed know and therefore by and large avoid doing so. The statement is particularly non sequitur because a permit is not "dangerous" under any circumstances, particularly not the one cited, because the situation given is a violation of the law with or without a permit.As an earlier
president of the Connecticut Chiefs of Police Association stated, We are
concerned about the increasing availability of handguns and the ease with
which a person can get a pistol permit. . . . [A] permit is dangerous in the hands
of a neophyte who goes to a bar and shows off his phallic symbol to the boys.20
It's actually far LESS likely that a person who has gone to the trouble to get a permit, which requires them to submit all sorts of identification, will do something stupid with a firearm than it is that Joe Average will stick his pistol in his belt illegally and show it off at the bar.
So we see yet again what sort of red herring and strawman arguments the authors stick in their article that have nothing whatever to do with science or statistics.
And then there's this massive fallacy:
Political corruption in the issuing of concealed carry permits in Connecticut in 1977 can hardly be used to impeach the process of lawfully issuing concealed carry permits today. Sure, it was quite common for high-profile criminals to be in cahoots with corrupt law enforcement officials even back in the 1920s, but that has nothing whatever to do with today. Most alarmingly this is a clear example of the strawman and guilt by association fallacies.Indeed, there was a bit of a scandal in Connecticut in 1977 when it
was revealed that Michael OBriendeemed by the federal organized crime
strike force special prosecutor as one of the two most important criminals in
the Hartford area and convicted for racketeering, extortion, and gambling
had obtained a right to carry a concealed weapon with the support of letters of
recommendation from certain major political figures in the state.21 This
suggests that those who are able to secure handgun permits are not always
model citizens, and that at least some criminals find it useful to have the legal
right to carry weapons.
Since it is a federal crime for a person convicted of "racketeering, extortion, and gambling" to possess so much as a single round of ammunition, much less a firearm, the fact that O'Brien had a permit (not a "right to carry a concealed weapon", a false statement all on its own) is irrelevant because that permit was invalid from the get-go because O'Brien was utterly disqualified from possessing ANY firearm at ANY time.
And yet more asinine gun-ban logic:
What the fuck does this have to do with whether or not widespread concealed carry increases, decreases or does not affect crime rates? Absolutely nothing. It's just soapbox propaganda in a propaganda puff piece of dubious veracity, which is why it's been debunked by the experts a long, long time ago.Third, with some estimates suggesting that as many as one million or more
guns are stolen each year, we know that putting more guns in the hands of the
law-abiding population necessarily means that more guns will end up in the
hands of criminals.22 In fact, with guns being a product that can be easily
carried away and quickly sold at a relatively high fraction of the initial cost, the
presence of more guns can actually serve as a stimulus to burglary and theft.23
Even if the gun owner had a permit to carry a concealed weapon and would
never use it in furtherance of a crime, is it likely that the same can be said for
the burglar who steals the gun?
And then there's THIS ludicrous irrelevancy:
Fuck the Officers of the Illinois State Police and their petty complaints. They are hired to enforce the laws passed by the legislature, not opine on the utility or how it will affect their jobs. If they don't like working as a cop in a society where law abiding citizens can lawfully carry concealed weapons, then they can fucking well resign and go collect garbage for a living.Fourth, allowing citizens to carry concealed weapons imposes burdens on
police in that they must ascertain whether the gun is being carried legally.
Officers of the Illinois State Police have indicated that their job would be
complicated if private citizens were permitted to carry guns as they would need
to spend time confirming whether the guns were being legally carried.24 As it
stands now in Illinois, anyone caught with a gun in public is violating state law
and can be immediately brought into custody without the need for further
investigation, which the state police believe has been a powerful tool for taking
criminals off the streets.25
We don't formulate laws restricting the rights of citizens to pander to the convenience of police officers. They do their job as we dictate they do it or they can eat shit and die.
The Constitution guarantees people that they cannot be arrested unless the officer has probable cause to believe that they are, are about to be, or have been committing a crime, and the argument that it makes Illinois State Police jobs easier because it's illegal for anyone to possess a gun in public is the worst sort of tautology. Of course it makes their job easier. So what? That's not the metric by which a citizen's rights may be infringed upon. If the law permits people in Illinois to get concealed carry permits (which it will within 180 days), then the police will just have to adapt to an armed citizenry, just as they have done now in 40 other states, where the police stay within their authorized boundaries and must respect a citizen's right to be armed.
Cry me a river. Police convenience is not of the slightest concern to the law-abiding gun carrier. If it's complicated to use privacy-invading remote sensing technology, good. Let's make it completely impossible for the police do to so, because I find that sort of intrusion on my privacy to be beyond the pale and beyond the authority of the police.According to James Jacobs, [t]he possibility of
ratcheting up street-level policing to seize more unlawful guns [perhaps through new technologies that can allow police to detect guns from some distance away] is complicated by the passage of state shall-issue laws . . . .26
And then this purile canard:
What the fuck? There is absolutely no correlation between suicide rates and shall-issue CCW permits.Finally, accidental deaths and suicides are obviously aided by the presence of
guns, and these costs could conceivably outweigh any benefits of shall-issue
laws in reducing crime.27 Extensive empirical study is needed to assess the
relative magnitudes of the likely conflicting effects of a states decision to
permit citizens to carry concealed weapons.
This obvious political opinion is just as inappropriate as all the rest of the ridiculous excuses for scientific reasoning I've just debunked.
And here's their own admission of the weakness of their analysis:
And the most damning argument against this specious claptrap is that the right to keep and bear arms for personal defense is a constitutional right secured by the 2nd Amendment, and it's a right which accrues fully and completely to each and every individual, and that right is not subject to infringement based on statistical or politically motivated arguments.At the end of the day, then, it is still possible that shall-issue laws have no
effectpositive or negativeon crime. This is particularly so if one credits
Willard Mannings suggested correction for the presence of these multiple
comparisons and for autocorrelation in crime across years.112
And here's another rebuttal that drives the nail in the coffin of this piece of propaganda:
##voteRebutting “Why the Legislature should keep concealed weapons off Texas campuses”
By W. Scott Lewis
In a May 8, 2009, op-ed in the Austin American-Statesman, titled “Why the Legislature should keep concealed weapons off Texas campuses,” four gun control activists (anyone who is not familiar with Colin Goddard, Elita Habtu, Omar Samaha, and John Woods can confirm through a quick Internet search that their involvement with groups like The Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence and ProtestEasyGuns.com extend well beyond keeping guns off of college campuses) contend that Texas’s concealed handgun licensing laws actually lead to more crime. They back up this assertion with the lone supporting statement, “Professor John J. Donohue of Yale Law School found that, if anything, concealed carry laws like Texas’ ‘are associated with uniform increases in crime.’”
That statement by Professor Donahue refers to his efforts, along with Yale Law professor Ian Ayres[ii], to discredit studies[iii] by John Lott and David Mustard purporting to show that right-to-carry/shall-issue concealed handgun licensing laws lead to a decrease in crime. The study by Donahue and Ayres seeks to discredit the “more guns, less crime” assertion by extending the statistical model used in Lott and Mustard’s 1977-1992 study through 1997.
It’s important to note that the study by Donahue and Ayres focused on the nation as a whole, not on Texas. Even more significantly, it factors in only the first two years of Texas’s concealed handgun licensing program. Clearly, this study is not a scientific or mathematical analysis of the impact of Texas’s concealed handgun licensing laws.
Furthermore, Carlisle E. Moody, Professor of Economics at the College of William and Mary in Williamsburg, Virginia, and Thomas B. Marvell, attorney-sociologist and director of Justec Research in Williamsburg, Virginia, thoroughly rebut the findings of Donahue and Ayres, in their article “The Debate on Shall-Issue Laws,” in volume 5, issue 3 (September 2008) of Econ Journal Watch. Moody and Marvell state:
While reading Ayres and Donohue’s 2003 article in the Stanford Law Review, we noticed that their analysis did not prove what they said it proved. They claimed that their model proved that shall-issue laws increased crime. Our conclusions are as follows.
Many articles have been published finding that shall-issue laws reduce crime. Only one article, by Ayres and Donohue who employ a model that combines a dummy variable with a post-law trend, claims to find that shall-issue laws increase crime. However, the only way that they can produce the result that shall-issue laws increase crime is to confine the span of analysis to five years. We show, using their own estimates, that if they had extended their analysis by one more year, they would have concluded that these laws reduce crime. Since most states with shall-issue laws have had these laws on the books for more than five years, and the law will presumably remain on the books for some time, the only relevant analysis extends beyond five years.
Though several analysts have credibly rebutted the “more guns, less crime” claims of Lott/Mustard and others, by using statistics to show that concealed carry laws have no statistically significant impact on crime rates, no peer-reviewed study[iv] has found that licensed concealed carry increases crime.
The fact remains that all credible evidence##vote on the issue suggests that Texas concealed handgun license holders are five times less likely than non-license holders to commit violent crimes. A person is twenty times more likely to be struck by lightning than to be murdered or negligently killed by a Texas concealed handgun license holder[vi].
Emphasis added##
And here's the coup de grace from Lott himself:##
##vote##vote Confirming More Guns, Less Crime
John R. Lott, Jr.
American Enterprise Institute
Florenz Plassmann
Department of Economics, State University of New York at Binghamton
and
John Whitley
School of Economics, University of Adelaide
December 9, 2002
Corrected: January 9, 2003
Abstract
Analyzing county level data for the entire United States from 1977 to 2000, we find annual
reductions in murder rates between 1.5 and 2.3 percent for each additional year that a right-tocarry
law is in effect. For the first five years that such a law is in effect, the total benefit from
reduced crimes usually ranges between about $2 billion and $3 billion per year.
Ayres and Donohue have simply misread their own results. Their own most generalized
specification that breaks down the impact of the law on a year-by-year basis shows large crime
reducing benefits. Virtually none of their claims that their county level hybrid model implies
initial significant increases in crime are correct. Overall, the vast majority of their estimates
based on data up to 1997 actually demonstrate that right-to-carry laws produce substantial crime
reducing benefits. We show that their models also do an extremely poor job of predicting the
changes in crime rates after 1997.
emphasis added##
You lose, next contestant.##