No. Cases must be properly brought by a person with standing to sue, and they must be started in the lower federal courts, and the SCOTUS can either grant or deny cert (certorari...meaning they take up the case) as they choose. This keeps the President from frustrating the will of the people, as expressed by their elected representatives, through collusion with a sympathetic court.Cormac wrote:I disagree that the legislatures are more cowardly.Seth wrote: Lower federal courts (and all others) are generally cowards when it comes to upholding the Constitution if there is case law pointing the other way, and courts are generally receptive to the needs of government unless it's egregiously violating people's rights. The SCOTUS hasn't had an opportunity to hear such a case either.
But the REAL cowards are the various state legislatures that all too frequently not only do not restrain the police but actually side with the police against the citizens. All it takes is a bill making it expressly lawful to videotape and audiotape the police while they are on duty to solve the problem, but states like New Jersey and other Eastern states where the police can do no wrong in the eyes of the legislatures, getting such a bill passed is next to impossible, in part due to powerful police unions.
The primary duty of the lower courts is to uphold the constitution, because the constitution is the source of the entire edifice of law that the courts have to interpret and apply.
Furthermore, a judge must be expert in the law, and the interpretation and application of the law. Politicians are not experts in the area. Neither, necessarily, are their advisors. Legislators will therefore create unconstitutional laws with regularity. And therefore, we come to a key function of the separation of powers. Laws are interpreted according, in the first instance, to how they relate to the constitution. Where there is a conflict - the constitution must win.
Where courts avoid this responsibility, precedents are created that might contradict the constitution. In turn, this gives courts a precedent to refer to, which will create a widening cycle of damage to the constitution. The only thing that might mitigate the damage is where an individual case gets escalated to the Supreme Courts for adjudication. The problem then is what proportion of cases get to the Supreme Court. It seems to me that very few cases get there, which implies that there is an ongoing undermining of the constitution.
Here in Ireland, we have a process to check the constitutionality of new laws. The President (using one of the few Presidential powers) can refer new laws to the Supreme Court, where they'll be declared constitutional, or unconstitutional. Is there a similar process in the US.
And yes, there is an ongoing undermining of the Constitution from Progressives, but the checks and balances still remain in place, and if the People wish, they can rectify any problems with a new law (through the representative process) or by amending the Constitution (again, using the appointed process).
Politicans are indeed not experts in the law, although a good many of them are lawyers, naturally enough, but the burden of determining constitutionality is very, very strict. All laws duly enacted by a legislature are given the strong presumption of constitutionality, based on the notion that the very process of debate and voting is a check on unconstitutional legislation, and that the courts owe a duty of deference to the political deliberative process. So, if a law is constitutionally challenged by some person whose rights have been affected by the law, it is up to the plaintiff to overcome this presumption of constitutionality. And not only must he overcome it, he must overcome it by more than a preponderance of the evidence, he must show clear and convincing evidence that the law violates some provision of a state or federal constitution. It's a very high bar indeed, which is as intended, since that is a check and balance on the courts against the tyranny of the judiciary and respect for the representative democratic process and legislative deliberation.